By Netia Shuindu
netiashiundu@yahoo.com
With reference to your article above, I would like to seek your opinion on a scenario that is rarely if ever mentioned, namely that Kenya should go the way of the former Yugoslavia.
It might seem simplistic but one of the assumptions that ethnic chauvinists seem to have is that Kenya as a state will always be there. Yet none of them seem to have contemplated an end-game that almost happened should the 2008 PEV have spiraled out of control.
It seems we as Kenyans have acquired a taste for ethnicity on both personal and political levels and this reminds me of the historical Israelites who at one point also had acquired a taste for idols.
As part of God's judgment, they were invaded, pillaged and forced into exile where the hardship and shame of being slaves made them lose the taste for idols and upto today, Israelites have never ever been prone to idolatry.
Kenyans practice negative ethnicity because they assume that Kenya will always be there. I subscribe to a personal belief that a taste of the former Yugoslavia model of national breakdown would offer the best hope of a rebirth devoid of ethnic chauvinism.
It might seem simplistic but yet again after 49 years of independence, Kenya is proving a bad return for Kenyans esp the poor who are living from day to day, grateful if they have something to eat and a place to sleep.
The gross injustices and inequities in our increasingly fragmented society point to the need for a rebirth of the Kenyan nation. Our society is now more fragmented than at anytime before and the worst perpetrators are those who would know better from politicians to the educated elite.
Kenya needs to die in order for it to live again. Only by having a taste of no-Kenya would there be any hope of building a new Kenya.
Thanks
NS
THE LOOMING WAR IN THE TWO SUDANS WILL BE SENSELESS
By Jerry Okungu
Nairobi, Kenya
April 4, 2012
Fresh drums of war can today be heard from Juba and Khartoum across the Nile through Lokichogio all the way to neighboring East African capitals. Just the other day, top South Sudan officials were in Nairobi pleading with Kenyan authorities to intervene and avert the imminent humanitarian crisis.
As they consulted with top Kenyan officials, there were reports of Khartoum bombs dropping in selected regions of South Sudan even as Omar El Bashir kept on denying the new provocations. And with these air raids, refugees from the South started flocking at Kenyan border points for the next round of displacement and life of misery in refugee camps along the Kenyan and Ugandan borders.
The gravity of the situation forced Sudan’s fugitive president, Omar El Bashir to cancel his peace talks with President Salva Kiir that was to take place in Juba. Now the same talks have to be held in Addis Ababa, considered a neutral ground for the two warring parties.
At the heart of this hostility is the dispute over oil fields based in South Sudan that for years boosted the rest of Sudan’s economy. Now that the GOSS government has switched off oil taps and discontinued transporting its oil through the North, the Khartoum regime is in a rage.
This belligerent behavior of the Northern Sudan should not surprise any right thinking person in our region. This is the regime that used modern weaponry to bomb helpless villagers in South Sudan for over two decades. It is the same regime that sponsored Joseph Kony’s murderous militias for years to destabilize both Northern Uganda and perpetuate the war in South Sudan. As if that was not enough, the same regime opened another front for the massacre of its citizens in the Darfur province, at times using the Jangaweed militias as its proxies.
Because of the extermination of Darfurians on account of their skin colour, the same President Omar El Bashir is now facing criminal charges at the international Criminal Court in The Hague.
And he is not facing common criminal charges; he is accused of the worst crimes any individual can ever be charged with on earth- that of genocide and crimes against humanity.
We in East Africa have every reason to be weary of the Khartoum regime’s antics under Omar El Bashir. Being a war monger and an international fugitive, Bashir will have no problems causing havoc and destabilizing the region. Like Joseph Kony, his fellow fugitive and the once comrade in arms in causing chaos and misery in Northern Uganda and South Sudan, Bashir will just be too happy to have a chaotic situation in both Sudans such that handing him over to The Hague will prove difficult.
This brings me back to the role of the AU in all this mess. Had the AU seen sense and stopped shielding Bashir from the ICC prosecutions we would today not be entertaining a common criminal as Sudan’s president. Had there been a good regime change before Garang died, I don’t think the South would have clamored for separation. In fact John Garang had fought for a just, free, democratic and united Sudan. The more reason he agreed to be sworn in as Sudan’s first Vice President upon signing the Peace Accord in Nairobi in the last decade.
The East African states must do all they can to stop Khartoum from intimidating and molesting South Sudan. The southerners made their choice to divorce from an unfair regime that had exploited and suppressed them for more than a century on account of their colour and religion. Now that they have established their independent state recognized by the AU, UN and the rest of the world; it is only fair that they are allowed to determine their destiny without being harassed for their God given natural resource- oil.
If you have visited South Sudan in the last few years as I have done on several ocassions, you will notice that the young state is still far from developed. The few structures that were left by the British at independence have been bombed to Stone Age era by two decades of war with Khartoum. In fact as I write this column, Juba the capital city still enjoys the dubious title of being the largest grass thatched city in the world. In other words, entertaining another war with the North will only make things worse for the already sorry GOSS state.
If East Africa in keen on averting another humanitarian crisis in the Horn of Africa, if the EAC, IGAD and the International Conference of Great Lakes Region are to be taken seriously; this is the time to say enough is enough to crimes against humanity and stop Bashir from re-escalating the Sudanese humanitarian tragedy into the region.
If need be, peace loving countries in the region should apply economic and political sanctions against Khartoum so that Bashir realizes he cannot be condoned forever. Our heads of state must bite the bullet and deal with a rogue elephant in the house.
jerryokungu@gmail.com
WHY IS THE STATE ALLOWING ETHNIC WARLORDS TO DIVIDE KENYA?
By Jerry Okungu
Nairobi, Kenya
April 2012
The GEMA community leaders have met to endorse Uhuru Kenyatta as Kenya’s next president. This is quite in order. There is nothing wrong with another Kikuyu president following in President
Kibaki’s footsteps.
In quick succession, the KAMATUSA community leaders have also met in Eldoret and endorsed William Ruto as Kenya’s next president. Again there is nothing intrinsically wrong with that. Never mind that a Kalenjin like Ruto ruled this country for 24 good years with dire consequences for the social and economic wellbeing of this nation.
What needs to be said here and now is that Kenya is a state that is far from being homogeneous. It has 42 major ethnic communities that have never understood why state power should alternate between two tribes.
If indeed the GEMA and KAMATUSA tribal outfits have nominated their presidential candidates, does the constitution provide for tribal candidates some of who have no political party at the moment? Why can’t the KAMATUSA and GEMA stop pretending and register as political parties?
Since independence we have never liked one another that much. Our beef has always revolved around the sharing of national resources, which at best has been skewed to largely benefit the elite of ruling communities.
It is these ethnic biases that led to the fallout in Kanu just two years after independence. Whereas Jaramogi, Bildad Kaggia and Achieng Oneko among others detested land grabbing, the other wing led by Jomo Kenyatta saw nothing wrong with amassing tracks of land at the expense of the landless freedom fighters.
When 15 years later, Moi assumed the presidency, he did nothing to correct the mistakes of his predecessor.
Instead, he followed in the footsteps of the Mzee. What Kenyans did not know was that he would better what Jomo did over and over again.
Moi started with outlawing tribal affiliations. In the process he banned Luo East Africa, GEMA, Akamba Union, Abaluhya United and any other ethnic welfare association he could come across.
At the time Moi was cracking on ethnic associations, he camouflaged it with patriotism and nationalism. He claimed to be doing it for a united Kenya. In a way he was trying to copy what Nyerere had done for Tanzania for two decades. His point of departure with Nyerere was his desire was the Kalenjins domination of the political landscape. When he was through with us, Nyayo torture chambers had flourished. A few unfortunate ones like Robert Ouko were dead. Suddenly there were more Nyayo professors all over the country singing his praises.
When Moi finally left, the economy was on its knees. Every piece of public land had been grabbed by Nyayo boys. Even protected forests were not spared. Had Wangare Maathai had not stood firm, Karura Forest and Uhuru Park in Nairobi would have been grabbed.
Two things stand out in the regimes of Jomo Kenyatta, Daniel arap Moi and that of Mwai Kibaki.
Although Jomo Kenyatta was elected on a popular vote by all Kenyans especially by Nyanza, Central, Eastern and parts of the Rift Valley, he never lived to deliver on the promise of a better life for all Kenyans. In fact he never even delivered for the majority of his Kikuyu community. The poor and landless Kikuyus remained so as he and his cronies amassed tracks and tracks in the Coast, Central and Rift Valley provinces.
Kenyatta also encouraged negative ethnicity. Jomo surrounded himself with the GEMA elite and ruled this country like an imperial emperor. He caused the constitution to be amended several times to suite his unchallenged imperial power.
For all his 12 years in office, Kenyatta could only be found at State House in Nairobi, Nakuru State House and Mombasa.
All that time, he was surrounded an ethnic cabal that made it impossible for outsiders to see him. Even Moi his Vice President had a hard time surviving his job for those 12 years.
When Moi took over in August 1978, he did exactly what Kenyatta did, replacing Kikuyus with Kalenjins in major political appointments. Twenty four years later, Kikuyus had been marginalized just like the Luos..
When Mwai Kibaki assumed office in 2002, many Kenyans were weary of another Kikuyu but at that point, getting Moi out of power was an uphill task. After all, Moi’s anointed successor was also another Kikuyu. So Kenyans banked their hopes on Kibaki that was perceived as the gentleman of politics. Due to his exposure, Kenyans including Luos voted him to a man and woman. Kalenjins opposed him. We could breathe change in the air. And his inauguration speech did not disappoint.
Ten years later, negative ethnicity has tripled. In fact, compared to Moi and Kenyatta, Kibaki has done pretty badly in this department.
However, the one area where Kibaki has excelled has been giving Kenyans their freedom back and respecting human rights. Since he took power, no Kenyan has been jailed or detained for expressing his or her opinion. The economy has flourished. Infrastructure has been expanded. We have adopted modern technology in our communications system. Our children now learn for free in primary schools.
Unfortunately, all these gains will go down the drain if his regime allows ethnic warlords to balkanize country along ethnic lines. The KAMATUSA and GEMA are no longer tribal welfare associations. They have ventured into politics and anointed their flag bearers in the same way political parties do.
If this trend is allowed to take root, other communities will take the cue and do the same. If they do, chances of having 42 presidential candidates on the ballot paper are very high. Is this the legacy Kibaki will want to be remembered for?
jerryokungu@gmail.com
Nairobi, Kenya
April 2012
The GEMA community leaders have met to endorse Uhuru Kenyatta as Kenya’s next president. This is quite in order. There is nothing wrong with another Kikuyu president following in President
Kibaki’s footsteps.
In quick succession, the KAMATUSA community leaders have also met in Eldoret and endorsed William Ruto as Kenya’s next president. Again there is nothing intrinsically wrong with that. Never mind that a Kalenjin like Ruto ruled this country for 24 good years with dire consequences for the social and economic wellbeing of this nation.
What needs to be said here and now is that Kenya is a state that is far from being homogeneous. It has 42 major ethnic communities that have never understood why state power should alternate between two tribes.
If indeed the GEMA and KAMATUSA tribal outfits have nominated their presidential candidates, does the constitution provide for tribal candidates some of who have no political party at the moment? Why can’t the KAMATUSA and GEMA stop pretending and register as political parties?
Since independence we have never liked one another that much. Our beef has always revolved around the sharing of national resources, which at best has been skewed to largely benefit the elite of ruling communities.
It is these ethnic biases that led to the fallout in Kanu just two years after independence. Whereas Jaramogi, Bildad Kaggia and Achieng Oneko among others detested land grabbing, the other wing led by Jomo Kenyatta saw nothing wrong with amassing tracks of land at the expense of the landless freedom fighters.
When 15 years later, Moi assumed the presidency, he did nothing to correct the mistakes of his predecessor.
Instead, he followed in the footsteps of the Mzee. What Kenyans did not know was that he would better what Jomo did over and over again.
Moi started with outlawing tribal affiliations. In the process he banned Luo East Africa, GEMA, Akamba Union, Abaluhya United and any other ethnic welfare association he could come across.
At the time Moi was cracking on ethnic associations, he camouflaged it with patriotism and nationalism. He claimed to be doing it for a united Kenya. In a way he was trying to copy what Nyerere had done for Tanzania for two decades. His point of departure with Nyerere was his desire was the Kalenjins domination of the political landscape. When he was through with us, Nyayo torture chambers had flourished. A few unfortunate ones like Robert Ouko were dead. Suddenly there were more Nyayo professors all over the country singing his praises.
When Moi finally left, the economy was on its knees. Every piece of public land had been grabbed by Nyayo boys. Even protected forests were not spared. Had Wangare Maathai had not stood firm, Karura Forest and Uhuru Park in Nairobi would have been grabbed.
Two things stand out in the regimes of Jomo Kenyatta, Daniel arap Moi and that of Mwai Kibaki.
Although Jomo Kenyatta was elected on a popular vote by all Kenyans especially by Nyanza, Central, Eastern and parts of the Rift Valley, he never lived to deliver on the promise of a better life for all Kenyans. In fact he never even delivered for the majority of his Kikuyu community. The poor and landless Kikuyus remained so as he and his cronies amassed tracks and tracks in the Coast, Central and Rift Valley provinces.
Kenyatta also encouraged negative ethnicity. Jomo surrounded himself with the GEMA elite and ruled this country like an imperial emperor. He caused the constitution to be amended several times to suite his unchallenged imperial power.
For all his 12 years in office, Kenyatta could only be found at State House in Nairobi, Nakuru State House and Mombasa.
All that time, he was surrounded an ethnic cabal that made it impossible for outsiders to see him. Even Moi his Vice President had a hard time surviving his job for those 12 years.
When Moi took over in August 1978, he did exactly what Kenyatta did, replacing Kikuyus with Kalenjins in major political appointments. Twenty four years later, Kikuyus had been marginalized just like the Luos..
When Mwai Kibaki assumed office in 2002, many Kenyans were weary of another Kikuyu but at that point, getting Moi out of power was an uphill task. After all, Moi’s anointed successor was also another Kikuyu. So Kenyans banked their hopes on Kibaki that was perceived as the gentleman of politics. Due to his exposure, Kenyans including Luos voted him to a man and woman. Kalenjins opposed him. We could breathe change in the air. And his inauguration speech did not disappoint.
Ten years later, negative ethnicity has tripled. In fact, compared to Moi and Kenyatta, Kibaki has done pretty badly in this department.
However, the one area where Kibaki has excelled has been giving Kenyans their freedom back and respecting human rights. Since he took power, no Kenyan has been jailed or detained for expressing his or her opinion. The economy has flourished. Infrastructure has been expanded. We have adopted modern technology in our communications system. Our children now learn for free in primary schools.
Unfortunately, all these gains will go down the drain if his regime allows ethnic warlords to balkanize country along ethnic lines. The KAMATUSA and GEMA are no longer tribal welfare associations. They have ventured into politics and anointed their flag bearers in the same way political parties do.
If this trend is allowed to take root, other communities will take the cue and do the same. If they do, chances of having 42 presidential candidates on the ballot paper are very high. Is this the legacy Kibaki will want to be remembered for?
jerryokungu@gmail.com